A rambling gripe about politics, the environment and philosophy...

Thursday 16 February 2012

Climate Change and the Public/Private Debate

In my last post, I drew attention to the debate between Keynes and Hayek and the way in which their differing economic views came to define many of the opinions of the left and right, respectively. The key point to take from this debate, for me, is that both men, Keynes willingly and Hayek reluctantly, admitted the need for State intervention into the private sphere. The difference between the two thinkers was how far and how deep this intervention should go. Hayek always maintained that the State should be peripheral, and confined to only the most basic elements of welfare like health and education. Keynes, in contrast, held that the State's role within the economy should be dictated by circumstance. If unemployment was high, as it was for much of Keynes's career, governments should intervene to create employment. But, if social concerns were not so acute, the State could afford to be more subdued. Famously, when confronted with the criticism that he had altered his monetary policy, Keynes is alleged to have said: "When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?"

The lesson, therefore, is where one decides draws the line between the private and the public sphere, not a decision between public and private in themselves. This line, as Keynes made clear, is constantly shifting as discoveries, disasters, and fortune alters the economic, political, and social landscape. We must constantly keep asking how far the State should be able to encroach on private life, and how much reign should be granted to the pursuit of private enterprise?

Arguably, these questions have never carried as much weight as they do today. The world is confronted not only with an economic crisis of unprecedented scope and scale, but an environmental crisis that is destined to impact the course of human history in profound and perhaps yet unseen ways. When Keynes wrote his great works of economics, his principle concern was unemployment. Today we must add to that the fear of environmental calamity.

With this in mind, it seems increasingly clear that State intervention on a national and international scale is required to ward off these twin dangers. How else are we to secure both economic prosperity and a viable and environmentally sound future? Such is the depth to which Keynesian thinking has been relegated, however, that government action, particularly in the United States, is regularly perceived as, at best, a violation of personal liberty, and, at worst, a maniacal plot to enslave. Free-marketeers still vociferously maintain that a market unencumbered by regulation is the most effective way to combat the dangers of climate disaster and economic ruin. I believe they are wrong on both counts.

Both Europe and the US were plunged into financial crisis at the same time, but whilst America continues to demonstrate tentative recovery and a declining unemployment rate, the EU languishes in recession. The simple reason for this is that the US continues to bolster its economy through stimulus, whilst endeavouring to minimise cuts. The economy is being allowed to recover before it is attacked. In Europe, the opposite is the case. Germany dictates crippling terms to 'lazy' southern Europeans leading to record levels of unemployment, and shrinking economies. In Britain, unemployment stands at a 17-year high and the economy has flatlined. The image of the private sector saddled up and riding to the rescue of a beleagured public sphere has failed to materialise.

Likewise, there is pretty clear evidence that the markets alone are not fit to take on the challenge offered by climate change. For a start, there is just too much vested interest at stake. Companies like Chevron, BP, Exxon Mobil, and Shell stand to lose billions if the markets decided to treat global warming seriously. This is because the reserves, on which the value of these companies is based, must be left in the ground if we are to meet climate targets. On top of that, the private sector is simply incapable of moving fast enough on its own and huge government backing will be required if we are to build sustainable industry and innovative technology. At the moment, our fossil fuel consumption is going up exponentially, and not down as it needs to.

The problem for any realist, anyone who can see the very real danger in government inaction, is that they are inevitably confronted with waves of vitriolic ideology. The public vs. private debate has become so toxic that those on the private side have lost all sense of context, pushing the idea of the State as an overbearing force of oppression, and seeing conspiracy in the most strongly supported scientific data. We need to stop thinking of public and private in terms of opposites, but in a way which harnesses the best qualities of both. Innovation, solidity, and, yes, regulations. It is only through cooperation, redirection, and by harnessing the creativity of private industry that a way out of these twin crises can be found.

7 comments:

  1. The polarisation of the debate between public and private spheres of responsibility is, as you quite rightly say, highly damaging.

    The obsession, across the political spectrum, with a strict adherence to the fundamentals of either pro-state or anti-state is highly destructive (read education, health, pensions policy debates).

    Instead, policy-makers must recognise that in the future the most effective policies will reflect the best learnings from the greatest diversity of convictions.

    This will mean that, in the our post-2008 era, policy-makers will have to adopt an approach that incorporates both relativist and pragmatist perspectives. Accepting that this will involve an experimental approach characterised by apparent contradictions as well as trial and error.

    As you point out (and elaborately below by Kaletsky), this experimental approach is already visible in comparisons between the USA and UK. And conclusions are being drawn (see Kaletsky and Wolf articles below).

    Promisingly, it would appear that these conclusions are making the jump from the academic to the political world (see Hollande's economic policy proposals below).

    Whilst there are legitimate concerns regarding the long-term sustainability of Hollande's proposals (see p.5New York Times article on welfare dependency below), just as with climate policy, it will be government action in the short-term that will determine long-term.

    References

    Anatole Kaletsky 'The US feels sunny again while Britain shivers' (http://tinyurl.com/7gzgpfr)

    Martin Wolf 'End this masochism in economic policymaking' (http://tinyurl.com/7wx7wkq)

    Steven Erlanger 'Sarkozy's main rival offers proposals for lifting France's economy' (http://tinyurl.com/7by3ddc)

    Binyamin Appelbaum and Robert Gebeloff 'Even Critics of Safety Net Increasingly Depend on It' (http://tinyurl.com/6uwj4o9)

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  2. Agree that the debate can be highly damaging. I would suggest that the blame perhaps lies more with the anti-state crowd, however. No serious political party in the West is pro-state in any fundamental terms. They simply acknowledge the need for state intervention into the economy, and even then not always.

    I deliberately steered clear of saying relativism or pragmatism because of the negative baggage that comes with them. They key is to balance a pragmatic (not relativistic) approach to political and economic life with a strong and principled stance on most issues. As long as party politics dictates, this will always be difficult to achieve.

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  3. The polarisation of the public-private narrative is also a charge against the European left.

    Take the debates in the UK concerning primarily health care and pension reform, though also education. The wider British left are staunchly pro-state in these regards. Despite the evidence that current government commitments will be unsustainable beyond this decade (see UK public spending below).

    This is not to say that the state shouldn't provide these services, but rather that it can't provide all of them simultaneously.

    As a result, the European left must participate in - and even steer - a public debate on where societies' future fiscal commitments must lie. A public debate, which must examine the acceptability of possible trade-offs.

    Furthermore, it is the left's responsibility to participate in these debates to ensure that the contraction of fiscal commitments does not increase the exposure of societies' most vulnerable members.

    This inability of the European left to recognise the need to re-interpret the fiscal commitments has increasingly characterised it as reactionary. In this, the European left has derogated its progressive function.

    Having said this, I do agree that on balance the charge of polarising the public-private debate rests with the right. This is in part due to the success of the right in creating a public debate that has conflated short-term cyclical(1) and long-term structural(2) pressures on budgets. This is essentially the the difference between the austerity and stimulus approaches. For example, Obamacare to one-side, the US has increased short-term cyclical spending whilst the UK has decreased long-term structural spending.

    My argument is that it is not all one-sided (re relativism). Ignorance, taboos and elephants in rooms must all be exposed to the light of day as part of the post-2008 counter-cyclical policy-scape.

    (1) Short-term cyclical deficit factors include automatic economic stabilisers, such as unemployment benefits, and discretionary economic stabilisers, such as bank-bailouts.

    (2) Long-term structural deficit factors include education, health and pension commitments.

    UK Public Spending

    Overall (1900-2010): http://www.ukpublicspending.co.uk/spending_brief.php

    Overall (1985-2015): http://www.ukpublicspending.co.uk/charts.html

    Health care: http://www.ukpublicspending.co.uk/downchart_ukgs.php?chart=10-total&year=1900_2011&units=p&state=UK

    Pensions: http://www.ukpublicspending.co.uk/spending_chart_1985_2015UKb_11s1li111mcn_00t

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  4. I think the left is responding to that in some ways. There is, for instance, a major need to redress the massive and growing inequality in Western countries. Now for all the conservatives talk of social mobility, it's pretty clear that this won't change under their watch. The left needs to present a coherent and far-reaching case for market reform. The problem is that this will again be interpreted as an attack on the private sector, and by proxy, personal liberty. The left need to make the case that the opposite is in fact the case. By levelling the playing field, you are making people more, and not less, free.

    The reality of an aging population, and dwindling resources, needs to be met. But it can only be done so fairly if we accept a need for a fundamental reform of private business practice. What you don't do, as is happening across the UK, is ostensibly punish poor and vulnerable people for a financial crisis not of their making. You now have a situation where people are being forced out of work and being vilified for not working - it's ridiculous! I'd say this presents a pretty clear case for state intervention. Instead, the right have bought into a classic Friedmanite need to balance the books. I have to say that I think Keynes was right on this. At a time of crisis, you spend more not less. What New Labour did wrong was to be profligate in a time of plenty.

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  5. Well said.

    The current 'Friedmanite' approach is based on an over simplified understanding. As stated above, the conflation of different forms of budget deficit leads to the conclusion that extending any form of deficit must be reduced at all costs.

    This is exactly what Keynes rejected, as you rightly say. Tackling cyclical causes of budget deficits through fiscal expansion is a no brainer to me. If you accept the concept of business cycles, then deficits resulting from a negative output gap (GDP below potential) will be recouped (if responsible, re New Labour criticism) when the output gap is positive(GDP above potential).

    Structural deficits, however, are different - these are systemic. Structural deficits are the result of unsustainable institutions. Consequently they can only be changed through direct intervention. However - as we agree - these policies can only be implemented after economic recovery is achieved.

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  6. The NY Times has an article on David Walker today, which neatly summarises my point.

    Thomas Friedman "A Third Voice for 2012": http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/19/opinion/sunday/friedman-a-third-voice-for-2012.html?src=me&ref=general

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  7. Absolutely. Agree and am slightly concerned about my move towards the centre ground, but I guess I'll have to live with it. Would emphasise, however, that any attempts to resolve structural deficits must be preceded by, and be contingent upon, redressing grievances like inequality, unfair taxation etc.

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